Pesos, Privatisation and Politics in Cuba - A 1995 unpublished article
PESOS, PRIVATISATION AND POLITICS IN CUBA :
An unpublished article written by Theo Theophanous in 1995 following a visit with Telmo Languiller and Jean McLean
“Havana Libra
Hotel please!”
I spoke clearly to
the taxi driver and was relieved to hear his response in broken English: “Thank
you Senor – is not too far”.
The trip from the
Hemingway Marina in Havana, Cuba, where I had managed to grab a couple of hours
of sunshine between the heavy schedule of official meetings which the Cubans
had insisted on organising, was indeed short – perhaps 8 kms. So I was rather surprised by the cost of the
taxi, at $12 U.S. ‘Taxi drivers must be well paid in Cuba ’, I
thought.
The taxi driver
was friendly and forthcoming, as I had found all Cubans to be. His name was Manuel and after some
discussion, I found out that the taxi belonged to the State, that every trip had
to be recorded and that he was paid a salary, not in U.S dollars, but in Cuban
Pesos.
“250 Pesos per
month, is what I get”, Manuel said.
I did a quick
mental calculation and realised that at 25 pesos to the U.S. dollar, this
represents a monthly wage of $10 U.S.
So, I had paid
more than a month’s salary to travel about 8 km in a taxi in Cuba . There was something unfathomable about
this. Manuel, the taxi driver, was well
dressed, married, had two children attending university and lived in his own
home in a nice part of Havana . All of this on $10 U.S. per month? ‘Impossible’, I thought.
Cautiously I tried
to approach the subject of how one could survive on $10 U.S. per month:
“Manuel, I know
that health and education is provide free in Cuba (the Cubans were at pains to
inform us how they had the lowest infant mortality rate, highest life
expectancy and highest levels of education in Latin America) but you must have
other expenses”, I said. “Telephones,
for example.”
“Telephones are
free for local calls”, Manuel proclaimed, with a hint of pride. Then he paused, reflected for a moment and
added, “but I have to admit it is often hard to get through”.
I can certainly
attest to this, having later tried to use what was an archaic system by our
standards, where just getting a line often took many attempts.
In later meetings
a Deputy Minister was to tell me in glowing terms how much the telephone
service would improve as a result of proposed privatisation.
Back to Manuel:
“What about the cost of gas for cooking”, I enquired. “Gas costs 14 pesos per month (about 70
cents) for unlimited usage”, Manuel responds. I later understood why in two Cuban households
I visited, the gas burner on the stove was simply left alight.
“What about
electricity Manuel?” I asked.
“They have just
started to charge and it is costing me about 25 pesos per month” he complained.
I smiled when I
thought about how we had to pay in Victoria.
Later I heard the
often repeated story in Cuba about the farmer who mustered up the courage to
ring the Deputy Minister for Energy, to complain about a 6-hour blackout (one
of many). Amazingly he got through and the
Deputy Minister responded by saying: “You ring me up to complain about the 6
hour blackout but you don’t ring me to thank me for the 18 hours of electricity
you received”.
My taxi driver,
Manuel, like most Cubans, blamed the U.S. blockade for the electricity
blackouts and for just about everything else that is wrong with the
economy. In this sense the blockade has
had the effect of hiding other home grown problems and inefficiencies.
“Why doesn’t the
U.S. block trade from other Communist countries like China or Vietnam”, Manuel
complained.
But they are
resourceful people the Cubans. When the
blockade started to bite and petrol dried up, they bought hundreds of thousands
of pushbikes from China ,
built special bike lanes and created an environmentally friendly transport
system with the benefit of a fitter, healthier society.
“We came fourth
overall in the Olympic Games with a population of only 11 million”, Cubans will
proudly announce to all foreigners.
This pride in the
face of adversity is very prominent in Cuba and, paradoxically, helps to
legitimize the Castro regime. One party
official told me how difficult it was for Cuba to defend itself with the U.S. at its
doorstep and the Miami Cubans keen to exploit every situation.
“They fly private
planes and drop leaflets over Havana, land on our shores in fast speed boats in
the middle of the night, and force us to use our scarce resources in policing
our boarders.”
This indignant
attitude of the Cubans can be seen in the way they responded when we raised
individual rights and freedoms including workers rights, free speech, etc. The Cubans would invariably talk about
universal rights – to health, education, shelter, a basic livelihood, etc.
Often quite
skilfully they would turn the argument back: “How come the Miami Cubans want
the right to send their kids to Cuban universities or their sick to Cuban hospitals,
if the U.S.
system is so great?” said Ramon Hernandez Varquez from the Communist Party
Central Committee on International Relations.
At this point I
felt I had to bring out the big guns.
“Look”, I said, “Not all capitalist systems are like the United States
system”. “In Australia we have a universal
health care system, a universal education system, and a comprehensive social
security system available to all citizens irrespective of their cultural
background or status, but we still very much respect individual rights and
freedoms”.
I knew that I was
over-simplifying and perhaps, but I wanted to drive the point home that
individual and universal rights should not be seen as conflictual.
The response from
Comrade Varquez was calm and appeared to be well considered. “Yes, Mr Theophanous , we know that in your
country and in countries like Sweden citizens have access to high quality
universal health, education, housing and social security, but can you name a
Third World capitalist country, as opposed to a First World Capitalist country
where this is the case?” He then added: “If Cuba was to go capitalist, it would
not be Australian capitalism which we would get but more likely the Haitian
form, where neither individual nor universal rights are respected”.
Despite the
hardships Cubans are friendly and seem particularly interested in Australian
investment.
The Deputy
Minister for Foreign Investment Raul Taladrid, who spoke perfect English was
absolutely blunt on the benefits for Capitalist companies wanting to invest in Cuba : “We offer foreign companies a compliant,
highly skilled workforce with no industrial relations problems. If they want 5000 workers this week but only
3000 next week, we are able to accommodate them”.
“How”, I asked?
The answer from
the Deputy Minister was that all these workers are employed by a Government
employment agency which in turn allocates them to the foreign firms. The government agency pays the workers a good
wage in pesos and the government is paid by the foreign investor in hard
currency at regional rates.
I made a quick
mental calculation. Even if the regional
rate for a skilled worker was only $200 U.S. per month, and the Government
paid the worker 500 pesos per month (about $20 U.S. ), the Government was making a
huge profit on the worker’s labour.
The Deputy Foreign
Minister is quick to add that these arrangements are not exploitation because
the workers also receive free health, education, housing subsidised gas,
electricity, water and phone calls, but in addition, they have access to
special properly stocked stores for food, clothing etc.
The Cubans believe
that if they let the foreign companies pay the workers directly, the workers
would receive a very low wage by regional standards and the State would still
have to pick up the tab for their social wage (health, education etc.) This is why the Cubans are so indignant about
the EEC’s insistence on abolishing the government employment agencies and
allowing workers to negotiate directly.
This is how the
Cubans see democracy. They are at pains
to tell us how all the deputies (parliamentarians) are elected from a field of
at least two candidates. They do not
have to be members of the Communist Party but it turns out that nearly 90% are.
Ordinary Cubans
will tell you in more honest terms that Members of Parliament are all the same. “They have the same policies and are more
interested in keeping power than in the people”, one member of The Arts
community told me.
The Cuban foreign
Investment law is designed to allow foreign investment and to placate the fears
of foreigners. I noticed that one clause
guarantees the right of foreigners to own real estate in Cuba and I could not
resist the temptation when speaking to the Housing Minister.
“Madame Deputy
Minister, Mercedes Rua Diaz, (she was one of only 2 women in the Cabinet), how
can you justify giving foreigners the right to own real estate in Cuba when you
do not extend this right to Cubans?”
“Well, um, well we
believe that to extend this to Cubans will bring about a concentration of
property in a few hands, like we had before the revolution when a handful of
families controlled 90% of property”.
My face showed
that I was unconvinced by this argument.
“Anyway, in Cuba we have a
very high rate of home ownership – about 90% - but we have a rule that no
family can own more than 2 homes.”
I wondered about
this extraordinarily high level of home ownership, particularly since I had not
seen a single ‘For Sale’ sign anywhere in Cuba , so I asked, “does home
ownership extend to the right to sell property and buy elsewhere? After much questioning, I found out that
homes are ‘allocated’ on the basis of need, place of employment and type of
work and rent is paid but they still call it ownership.
There is some
evidence of a relaxation in personal freedom in Cuba . In some of the privately run bars and
restaurants that have sprung up in Havana
we heard, and were often involved in, many heated political debates. Cubans often joked and criticised their
government. In one exchange I heard one
young person loudly say: “What is the use of education if you can’t get a
proper job?” Believe it or not there is a substantial unemployment problem in Socialist
Cuba.
At the end of the
day, the Cubans simply impressed on us that the disagreements with the U.S. were not a
matter of ideology for them but a matter of independence and sovereignty. Sergio Corrieri, the Cuban who has appeared in
international films, summed it up like this:
“We are pragmatic people, we are prepared to try market mechanisms, we
want foreign investment, we want more tourism, but most of all, we want the
right to be independent, including the right to make our own mistakes and to
learn from them”.



Comments